Suchergebnisse

Der Beitrag bestimmt den Standort der politischen Psychologie zwischen den beiden Disziplinen Politikwissenschaft und Psychologie. Die Beschreibung der "Infrastruktur" dieser Subdisziplin befasst sich mit den nationalen und internationalen Ressourcen der Forschung, den institutionellen Verflechtungen mit der pädagogischen Psychologie und den institutionalisierten Berufsinteressen der beiden Herkunftsdisziplinen. Eingegangen wird weiterhin auf Ausbildungsbedingungen, Curriculumentwicklung und Graduiertenförderung im Feld der politischen Psychologie. Thematisiert werden auch die Finanzierungsmöglichkeiten durch private und wirtschaftliche Geldgeber, die Entstehung einiger Stiftungen und der expandierende Markt für Beratung und Training durch die politische Psychologie. Die fruchtbarsten Perspektiven sieht die Autorin in einer Synthese zwischen politischen Rational-Choice-Ansätzen und dem verhaltens- und lerntheoretischen Ansatz zur Analyse von politischen Entscheidungsprozessen. (ICA). Die Untersuchung enthält quantitative Daten. Die Untersuchung bezieht sich auf den Zeitraum 1920 bis 2000.

The social cognition tradition has had a strong impact on political psychology scholarship in the last part of the 20th century. The purpose of this essay is to review the contributions of the cognitive approach in helping political psychologists to better understand how citizens think about the world of politics. I consider research concerned with both the mental structure or representation of information about the political world and research concerned with specifying the cognitive processes that produce political judgments and opinion, and conclude that political cognition scholarship has begun to live up to its promise. In the second part of the essay, I suggest a research agenda for the future, pointing to ten directions for extending the political cognition paradigm.

Justifications that invoke moral claims are highly effective in shaping public opinion. But moral justifications ("I am obeying the dictates of my conscience"; "This policy is in the community's best interests") are difficult to verify as to their truthfulness, raising the possibility that they can be used deceptively. In this article, the psychological and political literatures are reviewed to illustrate why it is so difficult to detect deceptive moral justifications. The difficulty arises because (1) people are not very good at detecting deception in general; (2) the mediated nature of political communication eliminates the nonverbal cues that are most predictive of deception; (3) social judgment biases lead people to focus on the individual and inhibit suspicion; (4) the norms of political culture constrain politicians from accusing each other of lying, so that the public is not prompted by other sources to regard moral claims with suspicion.

Justifications that invoke moral claims are highly effective in shaping public opinion. But moral justifications ("I am obeying the dictates of my conscience"; "This policy is in the community's best interests") are difficult to verify as to their truthfulness, raising the possibility that they can be used deceptively. Here, the psychological & political literatures are reviewed to illustrate why it is so difficult to detect deceptive moral justifications. Difficulty arises because (1) people are not very good at detecting deception in general; (2) the mediated nature of political communication eliminates nonverbal cues that are most predictive of deception; (3) social judgment biases lead people to focus on the individual & inhibit suspicion; & (4) the norms of political culture constrain politicians from accusing each other of lying, so that the public is not prompted by other sources to regard moral claims with suspicion. 43 References. Adapted from the source document.

Public officials are not passive bystanders in the electoral process. Rather, they actively try to shape or manage citizens' perceptions of events (particularly those involving negative outcomes) through explanations or accounts. I argue that consideration of citizens' understandings of political accountability and how these are shaped by public officials represent critical missing components of models of electoral behavior. The distinction between excuses and justifications provides a valuable conceptual framework for understanding the impact of political accounts on a variety of judgments and psychological processes. I examine satisfaction with various excuses and justifications and their impact on subsequent evaluations of the official.

Success and even survival in politics frequently depends on the ability of politicians and public officials to extricate themselves from various types of predicaments. Indeed, politicians are particularly adept at extricating themselves, with a wide range of explanations at their disposal to avoid blame for unpopular actions and decisions. However, there has been little systematic research on the effectiveness of various political blame-avoidance strategies. This Note has two purposes. First, a typology of blame-avoidance strategies, or accounts, is developed. Second, the results of an experiment examine the effectiveness of these various accounts in enhancing evaluations of a hypothetical public official are reported.